Caroline Lucas - Speech to Compass at Labour conference
28 September 2009
Introduction
Thank you very much for inviting me to speak. And let me pay tribute to the role of Compass in fostering pluralism, and promoting debate among those of us who share an agenda based on social and environmental justice, on equality and democratic reform.
Neal, you've talked about building a coalition, not of parties and votes, but of ideas and hope. I think that's exactly right. I spoke at the Compass conference a few months ago, about the end of Big Tent politics, and my preference instead for a campsite of smaller tents. And since then, the metaphor has developed a life of its own - and is quite possibly nearing the end of its usefulness!
According to John Harris's blog from last week's Libdem conference, we've now reached the point of debating the virtues of small tents versus a big tent with zippy partitions (I understand that was Steve Webb's contribution), and even of exploring who should unzip their sleeping bag and get into bed with who. So perhaps, for decency's sake, the idea has run its course.
But the serious point remains: the importance of reaching out beyond party silos, and recognising that many of us share the same values, including social justice, the strength that comes from collective responses to collective problems, and a genuine belief that power lies not with elites or special interests, but with the people.
Not merging our distinct identities into a popular front, but accepting and respecting our differences as well as our common vision.
And at the end of that same June conference, one of the audience made a point that seemed to sum it up:
"I'm a Compass supporter who votes Green, is a member of the Libdems, and works with Labour MEPs on child poverty. I feel at home here today".
Challenging Agenda
Whether those few words of introduction make all of my fellow panellists feel at home, I'm not sure. This is a challenging agenda - particularly for a party in government, albeit one that, according to the Chancellor this morning, has apparently "lost the will to live."
But the reality is that very few think that Labour can win the next election. And if the Tories win, their plans to dramatically reduce the total number of MPs could mean that Labour isn't returned to power for generations.
Labour has lost its way. In spite of having achieved great things in the past, it is now perceived by many as the party of war, privatisation and attacks on civil liberties.
Now it's more urgent than ever that we prioritise the political renewal of the progressive left, that we recognise the role of others including the Greens in that coalition of hope and ideas, and that we replace our archaic, dysfunctional electoral system with a fairer voting system that will give that new politics, life.
The Green Party
And I believe that, even in a recession, there is a hunger for a new politics.
Before the recent European Elections, the media were predicting that the Greens would struggle to keep our existing seats. Their assumption - against all the evidence - was that in a recession, the Greens do badly.
Yet we won more than a million votes, pushing Labour into fifth place both in the South East, and in the South West.
Here in Brighton Pavilion, where we hope to win our first seat in Westminster, we won more votes than any of the other parties.
Results that show that concern for fairness, for social justice, for an economy that puts people first, not big business, is more relevant than ever during hard times.
Common Agenda
So what might that new common agenda look like? We won't all agree, but if I were putting together a list of where we might be able to work together, I'd start with restoring our lost human rights, cancelling ID cards and Trident replacement, promoting not just a minimum wage but a living wage, and the Green New Deal - proposals for a massive investment in renewable energy and energy efficiency, creating up to a million new jobs in the UK, addressing fuel poverty by cutting fuel bills, as well as dramatically cutting emissions. That should be more than enough to get us started.
But Greens would push further, bringing distinctive policies, and a distinctive approach, to the table. On the environment, of course, where our work on ambitious climate policies is well-known, and where our analysis leads us to conclude that market fundamentalism doesn't just need taming, it needs to be completely transformed, as we move towards a steady-state economy - an economy characterised not by more and more quantitative growth, but more qualitative development.
But also on social policy, support for a High Pay Commission to curb excessive pay; a tax on land values, to dampen house-price speculation and provide funds for social housing; greater representation of women in politics and boardrooms; raising pensions, and providing free social care to the elderly.
And crucially, challenging the current political dogma that sees public spending cuts as not only inevitable, but increasingly desirable.
With Nick Clegg's latest lurch to the right, with his boast of "bold and savage cuts", we're confronted by the grotesque spectacle of all 3 bigger parties competing with each other in some kind of "virility test" to see who can slash public spending in the most brutal way.
As "chainsaw Nick" does battle with "George the Axe", I believe it's more urgent than ever that we challenge the insanity that somehow seems to think that the best way to respond to a private sector crisis is by creating a parallel crisis in the public sector.
At a time when the number of jobless is nearing 2.5 million, including nearly a million 16-24 year olds, the subject which should be dominating the headlines is the tragedy of unemployment, not the whipped-up frenzy over government debt.
Yet while 70,000 people are now losing their jobs and livelihoods every month, taxpayer-owned RBS is allowed to appoint a head on £9.6 million
I believe, however clever or experienced you might be, if profits and bonuses for the few is why you're there, you're not fit to run a bank, never mind to run a country.
Political crisis
But while it's perfectly clear that we're living in times of economic crisis, we shouldn't lose sight of the political crisis we face as well.
The expenses scandal isn't a freak accident of an otherwise healthy body politic.
It's a symptom of a system that is wholly dysfunctional.
Root and branch transformation is essential.
First, end the mega donations.
Political influence quite simply shouldn't be for sale to the highest bidder.
Second, reform the system for state funding of political parties.
Third, a Freedom of Information law that has real teeth, and where ministers and MPs can't use excuses like national security or ministerial privilege to cover up incompetence and wrong-doings.
Fourth, replacement of the House of Lords with a fully elected second chamber.
And finally, a fair voting system to make sure everybody's vote counts.
It cannot be right that unless you happen to live in a marginal seat, your vote doesn't count.
And it cannot be right that the current government has 100% of the power on just 36% of the vote.
Let's be very clear: if we are to have any hope of reconnecting Westminster to the wider public, if we are to have the remotest chance of rebuilding trust between the people and the politicians who are meant to represent them, then we have to find a fair electoral system where the voice of everyone is counted the same.
Conclusion
That's why the work of Compass in setting out a truly broad-based progressive alternative is vital.
We need a politics of bold government, not incremental adjustment.
We need a politics that connects emotionally with the public.
We need a politics with passion.
There is plenty to be passionate about - growing inequality and a climate crisis of such immediacy, that if we don't radically reduce emissions in the next 10 years, we could face the end of life on this planet as we know it.
A new politics could not be more urgently needed - I look forward to exploring how we best create it.
Share
